The End of Democracy in Nicaragua: How the Ortega-Murillo Regime Took Over
Nicaragua’s Constitutional Coup: The Birth of an Authoritarian Dynasty
(Pictured above: Rosario Murillo and Daniel Ortega)
TL;DR:
Ortega-Murillo Co-Presidency: A constitutional reform in January 2025 established Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo as co-presidents, extending the presidential term from five to six years and eliminating key democratic checks and balances.
Power Consolidation: The amendment grants the executive branch full control over the judiciary, legislature, and media, effectively cementing an authoritarian regime. Murillo’s formal elevation solidifies her long-standing influence, making Nicaragua a family-controlled state.
International Condemnation: The U.S., EU, UN, and OAS have criticized the move as a step towards dictatorship, leading to increased sanctions and diplomatic isolation.
Democratic Backsliding: Elections are now fully manipulated, with opposition candidates imprisoned or exiled. The judiciary is controlled by the executive, ensuring no legal challenge to the regime’s rule.
Media Censorship & Repression: Independent journalism is nearly eradicated, with government-controlled media spreading propaganda. Social media and digital platforms are increasingly monitored and censored.
Human Rights Violations: Arbitrary arrests, torture, and suppression of dissent are common. Political opponents and protesters face imprisonment or exile, while civil liberties such as freedom of speech and assembly are heavily restricted.
Economic & Social Consequences: Sanctions, loss of foreign investment, and government mismanagement are deepening economic instability, increasing poverty, and fueling mass emigration, particularly among professionals and opposition figures.
Opposition in Exile: Many critics, journalists, and activists now operate from abroad, advocating for democratic reforms, documenting human rights abuses, and lobbying for stronger international action.
Regional & Global Implications: Nicaragua's shift mirrors authoritarian trends in Venezuela, Russia, and Cuba, raising concerns about democratic erosion in Latin America. The global response remains uncertain, with limited leverage to force political change.
Future Uncertain: Nicaragua faces two possible paths: prolonged dictatorship with deeper isolation and economic decline, or a resurgence of democratic resistance that could challenge the regime in the long term.
And now for the Deep Dive….
Introduction
In an unprecedented move, Nicaragua has amended its constitution to establish Daniel Ortega and his wife, Rosario Murillo, as co-presidents, marking a significant consolidation of political power within the Ortega family. The reform was unanimously approved by Nicaragua's National Assembly in late January 2025, extending the presidential term from five to six years and introducing the concept of a co-presidency, where both Ortega and Murillo share equal executive power. This decision not only entrenches Ortega's control over Nicaraguan politics but also officially positions Murillo, who has been vice president since 2017, as a co-leader, formalizing her substantial influence over government operations. The amendment is part of a broader set of reforms that dismantle traditional checks and balances, giving the executive branch unprecedented control over the judiciary, legislature, and media, thus cementing an authoritarian style of governance.
The political landscape in Nicaragua has been dominated by Daniel Ortega since he first came to power in 1979 as part of the Sandinista revolution, only to be voted out in 1990 before returning in 2007. His return to power has seen him progressively tighten his grip on the country's political and social life. Rosario Murillo, a poet and politician, has been a key figure in this transformation, often acting as the public face of the administration while managing media and public relations. Her elevation to co-president formalizes her role in what many critics describe as a nepotistic dictatorship, with several of their children holding high-ranking positions in government or state-controlled media. This family-centric approach to governance has raised alarms about the erosion of democratic institutions, as the couple's control now extends across virtually all aspects of Nicaraguan society, from policy-making to law enforcement and media censorship.
Internationally, the move towards co-presidency has been met with sharp rebuke from various global entities concerned with the health of democracy in Central America. The United States, European Union, and organizations like the United Nations and the Organization of American States have criticized the reforms as a clear step towards authoritarianism, highlighting the suppression of opposition, freedom of speech, and the judiciary's independence. The U.S. has already imposed sanctions on Ortega's administration, and there's talk of further economic measures to pressure the Nicaraguan government into democratic reforms. Critics argue that this constitutional change not only undermines democratic principles but also sets a dangerous precedent for other nations in the region where populist leaders might seek to emulate such power consolidation tactics.
The implications of this co-presidency extend beyond political control to affect human rights and economic stability. Nicaragua has seen an increase in human rights violations, including the arrest of political opponents and the suppression of civil liberties, with the government now legally empowered to act with even less accountability. Economically, while the immediate effects are complex, there is a fear that international isolation could deter investment and exacerbate poverty. As Ortega and Murillo continue to reshape Nicaraguan governance in their image, the international community watches closely, pondering the future of democracy in a nation once known for its revolutionary spirit but now criticized for its authoritarian drift.
The Constitutional Change
The constitutional reform enacted by Nicaragua's National Assembly in January 2025 marks a pivotal moment in the country's political structure by instituting a co-presidency between Daniel Ortega and his wife, Rosario Murillo. This amendment, passed with unanimous consent, alters Article 144 of the Nicaraguan Constitution to recognize both Ortega and Murillo as "co-presidents" with equivalent executive authority. The document explicitly states that the co-presidents share the responsibilities of the presidency, including the authority to sign laws, decrees, and international agreements. This reform also modifies the term length for the presidency, extending it from five to six years, thus ensuring a longer period of consolidated power for Ortega and Murillo.
One of the most significant implications of this reform is the concentration of power within the executive branch. The amendment allows the co-presidents to appoint vice presidents without the need for a public vote, thereby circumventing democratic electoral processes. This move not only centralizes decision-making but also eliminates checks and balances by giving the executive direct influence over judicial and legislative functions. Previously independent bodies like the Supreme Court, the National Assembly, and the Supreme Electoral Council are now under the explicit coordination of the co-presidents, effectively dismantling the separation of powers. This centralization facilitates a governance model where Ortega and Murillo can dictate policy with minimal opposition, further entrenching their control over all state functions.
Historically, Ortega has leveraged constitutional reforms to extend his political tenure. His initial rise to power came during the 1979 Sandinista revolution, leading to his first term as president from 1985 to 1990. After a period out of office, he returned in 2007, utilizing constitutional amendments to allow for his re-election. In 2014, a significant reform eliminated term limits, which paved the way for Ortega's continuous rule through successive elections, often criticized for lacking credibility. The 2025 co-presidency amendment is another strategic use of constitutional law to maintain and expand personal and familial power, illustrating a pattern where legal frameworks are adapted to secure political longevity, a practice not uncommon in Latin American politics but particularly pronounced in Ortega's administration.
The new constitutional provisions also include clauses that redefine Nicaragua's state ideology, describing it as a "revolutionary and socialist state," and officially recognize the Sandinista flag as a national symbol alongside traditional emblems. This ideological branding serves to legitimize Ortega's rule by aligning it with the historical narrative of the Sandinista revolution, thus appealing to the nostalgia of those who remember the fight against the Somoza dictatorship. However, this move also serves to marginalize other political ideologies, effectively making opposition to the current regime an act of dissent against the state's foundational values.
The reform's implications for media freedom are stark. It introduces oversight mechanisms where the state can monitor and regulate media to prevent what it deems as "foreign interests" from influencing domestic narratives. This control extends to social media platforms, where content can now be more aggressively censored or manipulated to favor the government's agenda. This aspect of the reform is particularly concerning for journalists and media outlets, who have faced increasing repression since the 2018 protests, where over 300 people were killed, according to the United Nations.
On the international stage, the co-presidency amendment has drawn condemnation for its undemocratic nature. The Organization of American States (OAS), along with human rights organizations, has decried the reform as a step towards a one-family rule, likening it to dynastic politics rather than democratic governance. The U.S. and European Union have responded with further sanctions, targeting individuals within Ortega's administration for human rights abuses, with specific measures aimed at economic isolation to pressure the regime into reconsidering its authoritarian path.
The historical context of these reforms reflects a broader trend in Nicaraguan politics where constitutional amendments serve not just to maintain power but to transform the very nature of governance. Each amendment since Ortega's return to power has incrementally dismantled democratic structures, from removing term limits to now establishing a co-presidency. This pattern of legal manipulation to sustain political control has been a hallmark of Ortega's strategy, echoing similar tactics used by other autocrats in Latin America but with a uniquely familial twist.
The constitutional overhaul in Nicaragua thus not only cements Ortega and Murillo's control but also sets a worrying precedent for the future of democracy in the region. As the world watches, the balance between respecting national sovereignty and advocating for democratic principles remains a contentious issue, with Nicaragua potentially becoming a case study in how far the international community will go to challenge such consolidations of power.
The Ortega-Murillo Dynasty
Rosario Murillo's political journey from a poet and activist to becoming the co-president of Nicaragua is a narrative of strategic ascent within the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). Initially involved in the revolutionary movement against the Somoza dictatorship, Murillo's political prominence began to solidify when she married Daniel Ortega in 2005. She has been a central figure in Ortega's government since his return to power in 2007, first as the government's chief spokesperson and then as Vice President in 2017. Her daily radio addresses became a tool for political messaging, and she was instrumental in managing the government's response to the 2018 protests. Her elevation to co-president in 2025 was not just a promotion but a formal acknowledgment of the power she has wielded behind the scenes, particularly in areas like communication, culture, and the suppression of dissent.
The consolidation of power by the Ortega-Murillo family is evident in the strategic placement of relatives in high government and media positions, a clear example of nepotism. Several of their children hold significant roles: Laureano Ortega Murillo has been involved in international affairs, advising on relations with China and Russia; Camilo Ortega Murillo heads the National Systems of Production, Consumption, and Commerce; and Juan Carlos Ortega Murillo was once the head of the National Police. Moreover, their daughter Luciana is involved in governmental communication strategies. This familial control extends to media, where family members manage or have influence over key outlets, ensuring that the narrative remains aligned with the government's agenda, thus creating an echo chamber that stifles opposition voices.
Public perception in Nicaragua of this dynastic rule is mixed but predominantly critical, especially outside the staunch Sandinista base. Many Nicaraguans feel that the country has regressed into a form of authoritarianism reminiscent of the Somoza era, which the Sandinistas once fought against. The consolidation of power within one family has led to widespread disillusionment, particularly among younger generations and those who remember the initial ideals of the revolution. The 2018 protests, which were met with violent government suppression, underscored public discontent with the Ortega-Murillo regime, revealing a significant fracture in public support. Opinion polls, where they can be conducted, often show a majority disapprove of the government's actions, though fear of reprisal makes public criticism risky.
The nepotistic practices have not only shaped government but also influenced how resources are distributed, with critics arguing that family members benefit disproportionately from public funds and state contracts. This has led to economic policies that favor those connected to the Ortega-Murillo dynasty, often at the expense of broader economic development. The control over media further manipulates public perception, painting a picture of prosperity and unity that many Nicaraguans do not experience in their daily lives.
The international community has taken note of the Ortega-Murillo family's grip on power, with numerous reports from NGOs and international bodies highlighting the nepotistic tendencies. For instance, Freedom House's 2025 report on Nicaragua's freedom status describes the country as "not free," emphasizing the role of family ties in governance and the erosion of democratic institutions. This has led to targeted sanctions against family members, aiming to disrupt the financial networks that sustain their control.
The Ortega-Murillo dynasty's approach has had a chilling effect on civil society, with NGOs and independent organizations facing severe restrictions. The family's control over political, economic, and social life has created an environment where opposition is not just politically risky but potentially dangerous. Human rights organizations have reported on the systematic silencing of dissent, with family members directly or indirectly involved in decisions that lead to the arrest, intimidation, or exile of critics.
Despite the criticisms, there remains a segment of the population, particularly within the Sandinista party and those who have benefited from government programs, who view the Ortega-Murillo leadership positively. They see the dynasty as a continuation of revolutionary principles and a defense against foreign intervention, a narrative heavily pushed by state media. This duality in public perception reflects the deep polarization within Nicaraguan society, where support for the government often correlates with economic benefits or ideological alignment.
The legacy of the Ortega-Murillo dynasty, therefore, is one of paradoxes: they are both seen as liberators from past oppression and architects of a new form of control. Their rule has reshaped Nicaragua's political landscape, leaving a mark on its democracy, economy, and social fabric that will be debated for years to come.
International Reaction
The international reaction to Nicaragua's constitutional changes establishing Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo as co-presidents has been predominantly negative, with a chorus of criticism from various global bodies. The Organization of American States (OAS) has been vocal in its condemnation, describing the move as a clear infringement on democratic norms. In a statement released shortly after the reforms, the OAS General Secretariat highlighted that this amendment undermines the rule of law and the democratic principles enshrined in the Inter-American Democratic Charter, urging for a reversal of the changes to restore democratic integrity. Similarly, the United Nations Human Rights Council has issued resolutions expressing deep concern over the erosion of civil liberties and political rights in Nicaragua, calling on the international community to uphold accountability for the regime's actions.
Human rights organizations have also joined the fray, with Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch leading the charge against the Nicaraguan government's practices. These groups have documented extensive violations, including arbitrary detentions, torture, and the suppression of free speech, directly attributing these to the centralization of power under Ortega and Murillo. Their reports have become crucial in shaping the international narrative, influencing both diplomatic stances and public opinion worldwide. The International Commission of Jurists has recommended that the international community consider more robust legal measures to address the human rights crisis in Nicaragua, potentially invoking mechanisms like the International Criminal Court (ICC), given the allegations of crimes against humanity.
In response to these developments, several countries have escalated their diplomatic and economic measures against Nicaragua. The United States, under the Biden administration, has imposed new sanctions targeting individuals directly linked to the Ortega-Murillo regime, including members of the National Police and judicial officials involved in the suppression of dissent. These sanctions, enacted under the Executive Order 13851, aim to freeze assets and restrict access to U.S. financial systems, significantly impacting those designated. The European Union has followed suit, expanding its list of sanctioned Nicaraguan officials, focusing not just on political repression but also on corruption and the undermining of democratic institutions. Both the U.S. and EU have also called for the release of political prisoners, signaling a unified front against the regime's authoritarian practices.
International leaders have not shied away from commenting on the Nicaraguan situation. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has publicly criticized the regime, describing the co-presidency as an "affront to democracy" and calling for international solidarity in supporting Nicaraguan civil society. Similarly, European leaders, including Josep Borrell, the EU's High Representative for Foreign Affairs, have condemned the Nicaraguan government's actions, emphasizing the need for dialogue and democratic reform. These statements reflect a broader diplomatic strategy to isolate Ortega and Murillo internationally.
Comparatively, the situation in Nicaragua parallels other instances of power consolidation in Latin America, notably Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro. In Venezuela, constitutional reforms were similarly used to extend presidential terms and concentrate power, leading to international ostracism and economic sanctions. However, Nicaragua's case is distinct with its overt family-centric approach to governance, reminiscent of the dynastic politics seen in North Korea or Syria, where leadership is passed within families rather than through democratic elections. This familial aspect introduces a unique layer of nepotism and personalism into the political equation, differing from the ideological or military consolidations seen elsewhere.
Globally, the Nicaraguan scenario can be juxtaposed with countries like Russia under Vladimir Putin, where constitutional changes have facilitated long-term control by altering term limits or governmental structures. In both cases, the manipulation of legal frameworks to maintain power highlights a common strategy among leaders seeking to extend their reign beyond traditional democratic constraints. However, unlike Russia's more subtle approach through referendums and legal reinterpretations, Nicaragua's move is bold and direct, bypassing even the pretense of public consent.
The international community's response, while varied, often involves a balance between respecting national sovereignty and intervening to uphold democratic values. In Nicaragua's case, the lack of leverage due to its limited global economic impact makes diplomatic isolation and targeted sanctions the primary tools of influence. This approach mirrors strategies seen with Cuba, where decades of embargoes have aimed to pressure political change, though with mixed results over time.
Ultimately, the international reaction to Nicaragua's co-presidency underscores a global tension between the desire for democratic governance and the challenges posed by authoritarian consolidation. While sanctions and diplomatic rebukes serve as immediate responses, the long-term effectiveness in fostering democratic change remains uncertain, highlighting the complexities of international law, diplomacy, and the fight for human rights in an increasingly polarized world.
Impact on Democracy and Human Rights
The establishment of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo as co-presidents in Nicaragua marks a significant moment of democratic backsliding, entrenching a governance model where democratic processes are systematically undermined. The constitutional reform that enabled this co-presidency has been criticized for its lack of legislative debate and public consultation, reflecting a trend where the ruling party, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), bypasses democratic mechanisms to secure power. This pattern is evident in the manipulation of electoral processes, where opposition candidates are either barred from participating, imprisoned, or forced into exile. The 2021 elections, widely considered fraudulent, set a precedent where the Supreme Electoral Council, now under direct influence of the co-presidents, can control the electoral outcome, ensuring only those aligned with Ortega-Murillo's vision can govern.
Human rights in Nicaragua have deteriorated sharply under this regime, with the co-presidency amplifying already severe concerns. There has been a marked escalation in the suppression of dissent, with the government employing tactics ranging from arbitrary detentions to extrajudicial killings to silence opposition. The judiciary, now essentially a tool of the executive branch, has facilitated this crackdown by issuing verdicts against political adversaries on charges of "treason" or "undermining national integrity," terms broadly defined to encompass any form of dissent. Reports from organizations like Amnesty International detail how political prisoners are subjected to inhumane conditions, torture, and denial of basic legal rights, painting a grim picture of justice under Ortega's rule. The use of emergency laws and decrees to bypass constitutional rights further undermines the legal protections for citizens.
The control over media by the Nicaraguan state has become one of the most overt signs of democratic erosion. Since the 2018 protests, which were met with brutal force, the government has systematically dismantled independent journalism. Over 200 media outlets have been closed or co-opted by the state since then, with the new constitutional amendments providing legal backing for further censorship. Journalists face harassment, imprisonment, or exile if they report unfavorably on the government, leading to a landscape where state-run media dominates, disseminating propaganda that glorifies the Ortega-Murillo regime while vilifying critics. This control extends to digital platforms where internet freedom is curtailed, and social media is monitored for anti-government sentiments, effectively muzzling free speech.
The suppression of opposition and control over elections are not mere byproducts of the co-presidency but strategic maneuvers to maintain absolute power. With the ability to appoint vice presidents without democratic input, the regime ensures that any potential succession is tightly controlled. This legal framework allows for the creation of a political environment where opposition parties are not just marginalized but legally dismantled, as seen with the cancellation of the legal status of several opposition groups. This has effectively turned elections into a formality, with the outcome preordained by the ruling party.
Human rights violations extend beyond political repression into the realm of civil liberties, where freedom of assembly, association, and expression are severely restricted. The government's response to protests has been to label them as threats to national security, justifying the use of force and legal persecution against participants. This environment of fear discourages public gatherings, protests, or any form of collective action against the regime, further isolating and silencing dissent.
In terms of media control, the state has not only shut down or taken over media outlets but also revoked the licenses of numerous NGOs and universities that could serve as platforms for independent thought or criticism. This has led to what many describe as a cultural and informational lockdown, where state narratives are the only ones accessible to the public. Journalists working under these conditions either self-censor or flee the country, resulting in a significant brain drain in the field of journalism and a near-total eclipse of independent media.
The international community, through bodies like the UN Human Rights Council and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, has repeatedly highlighted these issues, documenting a pattern of systematic human rights abuses linked directly to the consolidation of power by Ortega and Murillo. These reports often call for accountability, yet the practical implementation of such recommendations remains challenging given Nicaragua's withdrawal from regional human rights mechanisms and its refusal to engage in constructive dialogue.
The impact on democracy and human rights in Nicaragua under the co-presidency of Ortega and Murillo is thus profound and multi-dimensional, creating a state where the rule of law is subverted to serve the interests of the ruling family, and where the very mechanisms meant to protect citizens' rights are used against them. This situation not only challenges the immediate political landscape of Nicaragua but sets a worrying precedent for democratic governance in the region, urging a reevaluation of international strategies to support democratic principles and human rights.
Economic and Social Consequences
The political instability stemming from the consolidation of power by Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo as co-presidents in Nicaragua has profound economic implications. The country's economy, already fragile, faces further setbacks as investor confidence wanes. Foreign direct investment (FDI), which was already declining due to previous political uncertainties, is likely to see even more significant reductions. Multinational corporations and potential investors are deterred by the increased risk of expropriation, arbitrary legal decisions, and the general unpredictability of doing business in a regime where the rule of law is subverted for political ends. Nicaragua's trade relations, particularly with major partners like the United States and the European Union, are strained, with the potential for trade sanctions or restrictions impacting export-driven sectors like textiles, which are vital to the national economy.
The economic impact extends to domestic policy as well, where the government's control over economic levers has led to decisions that favor political stability over economic efficiency. This includes manipulating fiscal policies to fund the state's repressive apparatus, which diverts resources from public services to security and propaganda. The central bank's data, which has become less transparent, indicates a rise in inflation and a drop in consumer purchasing power, exacerbated by international sanctions that limit access to global financial markets. These economic pressures contribute to a cycle where poverty deepens, and the economic base shrinks, potentially leading to a more dependent and less diversified economy.
Social unrest in Nicaragua has been a direct consequence of this political and economic turmoil. The 2018 protests, initially sparked by reforms to the social security system, evolved into a broader demand for democratic change, met with violent government crackdowns. This unrest has not subsided but has morphed into a more subdued, yet persistent, resistance against the regime. The suppression of these movements has led to a significant brain drain, with many skilled professionals, including academics, journalists, and business leaders, emigrating to escape persecution. This exodus not only deprives Nicaragua of human capital but also sends a chilling message to those remaining, deterring any form of organized opposition due to fear of reprisal.
Civil society in Nicaragua has been systematically dismantled. NGOs, which once provided a counterbalance to government actions, are now either co-opted, forced to operate under severe restrictions, or outright banned. This suppression affects not only political activism but also social services, as many NGOs were involved in education, health, and environmental protection. The vacuum left by these organizations is often filled by government bodies or aligned groups, further centralizing control and reducing the diversity of voices in societal discourse.
The long-term outlook for Nicaragua under prolonged authoritarian rule is bleak, with several scenarios unfolding. If the current trajectory continues, Nicaragua might see an economic model similar to that of Cuba or Venezuela, where state control over the economy leads to inefficiency, widespread corruption, and reliance on ideologically aligned countries for support. This could mean a long-term decline in living standards, with increasing poverty and inequality. Socially, the country might face a generational divide, with younger populations either radicalized against or disengaged from politics, potentially leading to cycles of unrest or apathy.
However, there is also a scenario where international pressure or internal dissent might force some form of political opening or negotiation. This would depend on significant changes in regional politics, international relations, or a critical mass of internal opposition gaining enough leverage to demand reforms. Yet, given the current control mechanisms, such a shift would require either a drastic change in the global geopolitical landscape or a severe economic crisis that even the regime cannot manage.
The potential for democratic resurgence hinges on the international community's willingness to apply consistent pressure, not just through sanctions but through diplomatic isolation and support for Nicaraguan civil society from abroad. This could include targeted aid to opposition groups, protection for exiles, and platforms for Nicaraguans to voice their dissent safely. However, the effectiveness of these measures would be contingent on the regime's ability to adapt, as it has shown resilience against previous international rebukes.
In the most pessimistic outlook, Nicaragua could become a pariah state within the Western Hemisphere, increasingly isolated and internally focused, where the consolidation of power leads to a society characterized by fear, surveillance, and a lack of upward mobility. This would not only affect Nicaragua but could have ripple effects on regional stability, influencing migration patterns, security issues, and the political dynamics of Central America, where democratic backsliding might be seen as an acceptable governance model by other leaders.
(Pictured above: Nicaragua: Economic freedom, overall index)
Voices from Within
The opposition to the Ortega-Murillo regime in Nicaragua remains vocal, though significantly muted within the country due to the government's repressive measures. Inside Nicaragua, opposition leaders like Juan Sebastián Chamorro, who has been imprisoned and released under international pressure, have criticized the co-presidency as a blatant move towards a dynastic dictatorship. Despite the risks, figures like Félix Maradiaga, another former presidential hopeful now in exile, continue to organize opposition from abroad, using platforms like the Blue and White National Unity (UNAB) to rally international support and push for democratic reforms. Their stance is that the current political structure is not only illegitimate but also a direct assault on the democratic aspirations of Nicaraguans, highlighting the suppression of political plurality and the judiciary's role in upholding the regime's power.
(Pictured above: Juan Sebastián Chamorro)
Public opinion in Nicaragua is difficult to assess with precision due to the government's tight control over media and the suppression of free expression. However, clandestine polls, often conducted with the help of international NGOs or through encrypted online surveys, suggest a significant portion of the population disapproves of the co-presidency and the broader political direction. A CID Gallup poll from late 2024 indicated that over 60% of Nicaraguans condemned the stripping of citizenship and property confiscations from political opponents, reflecting a broader discontent with human rights practices. Social media, where it's not directly censored, shows a dichotomy: pro-government propaganda alongside covert expressions of dissent, often using coded language or symbols to evade surveillance. Yet, the fear of reprisal means that these sentiments are not fully representative of public thought, as many are forced into silence or self-censorship.
Exiled Nicaraguans have become a loud voice against the regime, with many activists and former political figures using their newfound platforms in countries like Costa Rica, Spain, and the United States to denounce Ortega's governance. Gioconda Belli, a prominent poet and writer now in exile, has spoken out about the cultural and intellectual impoverishment of Nicaragua under Ortega's rule, describing it as a "cultural and civic exile" for those who remain. Her statements resonate with many, highlighting the loss of cultural heritage and freedom that has accompanied political repression. Similarly, Carlos Fernando Chamorro, through his independent media outlet Confidencial, continues to report on the situation in Nicaragua from exile, providing a critical voice that connects the diaspora with events back home.
(Pictured above: Carlos Fernando Chamorro)
Exiled activists like Tamara Dávila, who was once imprisoned for her political activities, now work tirelessly to document human rights abuses and mobilize international opinion. Dávila has been quoted saying, "The international community must understand that what happens in Nicaragua is not just a local struggle but a fight for democracy that concerns us all." This sentiment underscores the interconnectedness of global human rights and democratic movements, where Nicaraguan exiles see their plight as part of a larger battle against authoritarianism worldwide.
(Pictured above: Tamara Dávila)
The opposition's narrative from within Nicaragua is one of resilience but also of strategic retreat, focusing on survival and maintaining organizational structures despite the crackdowns. Leaders like Medardo Mairena, who has experienced both imprisonment and threats, advocate for nonviolent resistance and international advocacy as key strategies, acknowledging the physical dangers of direct confrontation in the current climate.
Public sentiment, where it can be glimpsed, often leans towards skepticism of the government's official narratives. For instance, informal networks and encrypted apps have become the modern-day equivalent of underground publications, where people share news and opinions away from state surveillance. This underground communication suggests a vibrant, though suppressed, civil society yearning for change.
The stories from exiled Nicaraguans paint a picture of a community in diaspora, maintaining a strong connection to their homeland, not just culturally but politically. They are involved in advocacy groups, lobbying for sanctions, and pushing for international recognition of the human rights crisis in Nicaragua. Their narratives often focus on the personal stories of loss, resistance, and hope for a democratic future, contributing to a global awareness of Nicaragua's plight.
The challenge for all these voices, whether from opposition leaders, the public, or exiles, is to remain relevant and heard in an environment where the regime has systematically attempted to silence dissent. Their efforts, combined, aim not only to document the current state of affairs but to keep alive the hope and demand for a return to democratic governance in Nicaragua.
Conclusion
The establishment of a co-presidency in Nicaragua, formalizing the rule of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, represents a significant milestone in the country’s descent into authoritarianism. What was once a revolutionary government has now cemented itself as a family-controlled regime, dismantling democratic institutions, silencing opposition, and suppressing civil liberties. The constitutional reforms enabling this power grab are not merely adjustments to governance. They are deliberate strategies to extend and entrench the Ortega-Murillo dynasty, ensuring that the country remains under their absolute control.
Internationally, the response has been one of condemnation and sanctions, yet history has shown that external pressure alone is insufficient to force democratic change. Within Nicaragua, opposition voices—though muted by repression—continue to resist, whether through exile advocacy, underground activism, or the persistence of independent journalism despite state censorship. However, with economic instability looming and the government’s increasing reliance on coercion, Nicaragua risks further isolation, poverty, and societal unrest.
Ultimately, the fate of Nicaragua’s democracy depends on whether internal and external forces can coalesce into a viable movement for change. For now, the country stands at a crossroads: either it remains locked in an authoritarian grip that stifles its future, or it finds a way to reclaim the democratic aspirations that once defined its revolutionary past. As the world watches, the resilience of the Nicaraguan people will determine whether this chapter is the beginning of an irreversible dictatorship or the catalyst for an eventual democratic resurgence.
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